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It's down to the wire for the 2024 National Defense Authorization Act, over which the House and Senate are still working out differences. This as Congress prepares to depart for the holidays.
After rounds of FOIA requests and even litigation, the Project On Government Oversight (POGO) received a copy of the A-10C and F-35A close air support fly-off test report. The test was to compare how both aircraft stack up in providing all-important close air support to ground troops. After analyzing the heavily redacted document, POGO analysts found that despite what the Air Force had been saying, it appears the F-35 may not be well-suited for providing that support.
After several years of delays and controversy, the TSP’s I fund will transition to tracking a new, broadened benchmark index, but will exclude investments in China and Hong Kong.
If Congress ever passes the 2024 Defense authorization bill, keep your eye on Section 804. It's now in the Senate version, and it is aimed at granting the Defense Department the rights to increasing amounts contractors' data more than it appears DoD needs for maintenance and operation of what it buys. Section 804 seems innocuous at first glance.
Conference work on the National Defense Authorization Act for 2024 proceeds, even as nothing else in Congress seems to be working. As always, the NDAA has provisions affecting Defense contractors.
The detailed work in Congress is done not by members, but rather by the 30,000-odd staff members. Right now, a group of overworked, and probably underpaid, minions are what they call "conferencing" over one of the most important yearly laws: the National Defense Authorization Act.
By law and regulation, certain products are barred from purchase by federal agencies, like telecommunications products made in China. Yet the General Services Administration's office of Inspector General has found, that somehow prohibited products have made their way onto the Multiple Awards Schedule contracts.
A series of audits show a need for fiscal reform at DHA, and a failure to follow recommendations for improvement, particularly involving overpaying for goods and services.
The Pentagon has money to develop innovative new products; the Defense Innovation Board has recommendations to make those investments more effective.
An extended hold on military promotions by a Republican Senator is distorting talks over the National Defense Authorization Act.
In war, the only thing worse than getting there late is running out of ammunition. No one has infinite stockpiles. The drawdown in support of Ukraine has shown the need to boost the surge capacity of the defense industrial base.
The U.S. federal government possesses some of the strongest cybersecurity in the world with a GCI score of 100. This intense cybersecurity is no surprise, as the federal government is tasked with protecting the nation’s most precious assets, like classified data and critical financial information and defending against the most malicious, well-funded and motivated attackers. This large scope of the critical assets to defend has made the federal government one of the biggest spenders on cybersecurity in the world, and as cyber threats continue to evolve, investment in cybersecurity will continue to grow.
A recent Senate Armed Services subcommittee hearing raised questions of integrity and the so-called revolving door between industry and the Defense Department. The Project on Government Oversight (POGO) was among the witnesses, saying there's too much industrial influence on Pentagon decisions coming from former officers and high-level civilians.
Over the last several years, Congress has passed several pieces of legislation meant to speed up the Defense Department’s acquisition system. Now, DoD officials have an idea of their own: